How the japanese learn to work 2nd edition - part 2

Có thể tạo ra các từ nhắc đến nhiều người và nhiều con bằng cách thêm một hậu tố tập hợp để chỉ một nhóm các cá nhân (một hậu tố danh từ dùng để chỉ một nhóm), như -tachi, nhưng đây không phải là một số nhiều thực sự: nghĩa của nó thì gần giống "và người/vật đi cùng"
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How the japanese learn to work 2nd edition - part 21 The general school systemMuch has been written about the contribution to Japan’s economicefficiency of its general school system—the so-called 6–3–3–4 systemunder the control of the Ministry of Education, comprising:— Kindergarten, which now enrols most 5-year-olds and well over a third of the 4-year-olds too.— Primary schools (6–12) and middle schools (12–15) of the compulsory education age span.— High schools (15–18), both general and vocational, which enrol about 95 per cent of the age group in their first year and graduate about 90 per cent.— Two-year colleges (18–20) and four-year universities (18–22), with both vocationally specific and vocationally unspecific courses, which enrol nearly 40 per cent of the age group in their first years and graduate over nine-tenths of them.— Five-year (15–20) Colleges of Technology with about two per cent of the age group. Japan is well known for having what is probably in the younger agegroups the world’s best educated (at least most educated) population.The rapid expansion of the system and the, by international standards,very high enrolment levels in secondary and higher education, are clearenough from Table 1.1 showing the change over forty years in theeducational experience of new labour force entrants in manufacturingand finance. Let us begin by listing some of the other main characteristicsof the system, besides its quantitative diffusion. It is maintained at relatively low public cost—absorbing, in 1991,approximately 17 per cent of public expenditure (9 per cent of centraland 23 per cent of local), but out of a total public expenditure budget ofonly about 30 per cent of GNP. Pupils and their parents provide T he general school system 3smore than a quarter of the 21 trillion yen—about 4.6 per cent of GNP—which the nation was estimated to be spending in that year on the mainlineschool system (Waga kuni 1994). Much, but not all of that private expenditureis incurred in that segment of the system which is run—to central governmentspecifications regarding minimal facilities and curriculum content—as aprivate business, either for profit (many of the high schools) or by non-profittrusts (some of the century-old universities, for example). The private four-year universities which enroll 70 per cent of all university students havereceived subsidies over the last decade which have brought their fees closerto, but still a long way above, those of national and public universities. Thenearly thirty per cent of high school students in private schools pay in fees arather higher proportion of the economic cost of their education, however.At the middle school level (3 per cent of pupils) and primary level (half ofone per cent), private schools are of lesser numerical significance, though atleast half of the middle school 3 per cent does represent a highly selectedelite on track for the best universities. Generally, the private sector divides into elite schools such as those justmentioned with highly competitive entrance examinations, and spill-overschools for those who cannot get into good public schools—or only intovery low-prestige public schools. The bulk of the private universities are inthe spill-over category, although not a handful of leading private universities,such as Keio and Waseda. All post-compulsory educational institutions have entrance examinations,and strict meritocratic rationing—among those who can afford the fees—has always been a universal and rigorously applied principle in both thepublic and private sector (except for some of the private universities in thelower reaches of the hierarchy where donations can compensate for lowmarks). Formerly each university conducted its own examinations, but twodecades ago a central examination system was created which acts like theAmerican SAT. Each university has its own separate entrance procedures,but the weighting given to the score in the central examination makes that adecisive factor in the vast majority of admission decisions. Hence the datacollected by the cramschool industry, and published in the popular magazines,leave no doubt as to which are the top universities (or rather universityfaculties) which admit only the highest scorers—and which are the highschools which produce a high proportion of those high scorers. The measuresused, in fact, produce a closely graded hierarchy: every university facultyslots into the hierarchy at its appropriate place, and every high school into itslocal prefectural hierarchy. Since employers take the topness or otherwise of universities and schoolsvery much into account when recruiting (top firms take only from topuniversities), and since the bias towards lifetime employment means that4 H ...